By Nirwansyah Putra
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences
Muhammadiyah University of North Sumatra
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Legally, coalition is counter to the opposition. However, how far is the the people of Indonesia benefits at the position surrounding the coalition or the opposition political party (parties) in Indonesia now? Indeed few, if not absent.Most brand political info post plenary parliament on March 31, is loyalty of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) in the Joint Secretariat (Setgab) Coalition doubted. Indeed, it is not right important for the people if the PKS will be kicked out or sit in a coalition. Because the political parties are still shrouded in thick fog of political pragmatism that is not revealed. The coalition of political parties and PKS are both campaigning for their political reason activities of fuel price increases issues “in the name of welfare of the people”, isn’t it? If the sentence is true, surely the feud between the coalition and PKS should never exist.
If so, which ones are the people that political parties be vested by this?
Let’s see about the “people” on what is being done by Prof Yusril Ihza Mahendra filed a judicial review of 2012 State Budget’s after scandalous plenary. His job not just can be read in law reference. He touched on the substance of a state, national and state life philosophy. When the House of Representatives approved a bill in his position as representative of the people, it’s odd that the question of sovereignty is also presented. However, when Yusril –as a citizen of Indonesia– test it to the Constitutional Court (MK), the question of true popular sovereignty has been running smoothly in this country, it has to be proposed as well. Is it true that a law is made on behalf of the people that reflects the sovereignty of the people? When the decision was already there and if the results are contradictory (invalidated by the Court), then on what basis the court renders a legal product issued by a higher agency official who called the House of Representatives?
Constitutional law expert, Irman Putra Sidin, have a strong clue about this. According to him, constitutional democracy is not measured by the number of majority vote or quantity. “But it is also measured in terms of quality. Based on the parameters of the 1945 Constitution, “ he said commenting on Yusril action.
Irman thrusts other analysis which has been often overlooked, namely the sovereignty of God. His argument, a law decided by the 560 member House of Representatives may be canceled or confirmed only by 9 people (constitutional justice) merely by the opening sentence of the decision, “As Justice Based on Belief in God Almighty”. Irman said, “This is the name of God’s sovereignty. For the nine judge Constitutional Court is supposed to represent God on earth. Because it is supposed to represent God on earth, the judgment of the demos (the people) as a form of popular sovereignty could be canceled.“
Let’s look at the United States (U.S.) is a “teacher” of democracy on earth. When the era of the 1960s, the Supreme Court (U.S. Supreme Court which also acts as MK) had granted a Martin Luther King who wanted the black citizen has an equality before the law and social. Martin Luther petition is granted and the decision of the Supreme Court was to amend the U.S. Constitution. Indonesia is certainly not like the U.S. in that regard. MK authority level only testing laws and regulations under the constitution. While the authority in the 1945 amendments, is to the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR).
But, Irman probably was highlighting the quality of Indonesia’s democracy which is still spinning in the scope of electoral democracy. That’s when democracy is only reduced as a mere instrument which unfortunately only limited merely to make decisions by majority vote. In fact, the substance of democracy is not just a mere electoral side.
At least, the above allows us to understand as elections ornaments until now and have yet to produce rotation of power that truly reflects the people’s sovereignty. The cases occurred as in the case surrounding the election voters list (DPT), poor system of Information Technology (IT), deceits, weakness of Election Board and the Supervisory Committee and so on, which to this day as if it was never touched by the rule of law, as if a justification. In fact, the “fight” of the political parties about the magnitude of the percentage of Parlementary threshold (PT), which until now is the culprit to the completion of the election law, are also within the same framework; democracy Indonesia had not yet touched the substance.
If any of the democratic Indonesia procedure still has not passed the test, the substance of democracy is certainly far from the truth. When the procedure problematic, then the doubts about the output or product of the elections whichh is member of the legislative and executive, was to be grounded. Onwards, the products produced by the legislature that such legislation was actually able to be questioned again.
Coalition and Opposition
That’s it. PKS position, whether the coalition and then kicked Setgab together PDIP, Gerindra and Hanura in opposition, so it’s not right important for the people of Indonesia. In the eyes of practical politics, kicked PKS from the coalition will create the position of PKS’s minister into three land seizure. Similarly, it is natural to PKS despite differences with the coalition, but not necessarily resign from the coalition, even as struggling about how to maintain the three ministerial seats they have.
Interests of the people is neglected. Moreover, if we look at the political facts that happened in Indonesia during this time, precisely the coalition and opposition parties at the national level, had no significant effect on the political model throughout the region. Political dynamics in the Provincial District / City and the events of Regional Head General Election (Pemilukada) in Indonesia, did not show the existence of a plot of the opposition coalition that inherent and linear with the fact the coalition and opposition at the national level.
In West Kalimantan general election, for example. Chairman of the DPD PDIP Cornelis officially took the Regional Advisory Council Chairman of the Democratic Party, Christiandy Sanjaya, registered in the Democratic Party in March, to advance in the Kalbar General Election in September 2012. In fact, both current position is the incumbent as Governor and Vice Governor of West Kalimantan.
See also a case of the General Election in the country’s capital, Jakarta. Ahead of the Governor-Deputy Governor pack proposal at the election of Jakarta, Fauzi Bowo had to be nominated by the DPD Partai Demokrat and DPD PDIP Jakarta.
Not only that. Still remember with a cabinet reshuffle in October 2011? DPP PDIP Chairman name Puan Maharani, suddenly sticking to a ministerial candidate. Even the Chairman of the Trustees Board of Gerindra, Prabowo Subianto, also was asked about who would be carried by Gerindra. PDIP and Gerindra candidate then does not really enter the cabinet, but of course this begs the question about the existence of the coalition and the opposition.
That’s it. Because democracy model is just electoral, it is obvious that the coalition and the opposition in Indonesia is still in early stages of a “pseudo”, a dissimulation and falsehood. (*)